1999/01/01 by Norbert Hornstein · 7 citations
Arts and Humanities · #Historical Linguistics and Language Studies #Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies #Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
paper · doi:10.1162/002438999553968
crossref issued 1999/01/01 · crossref published 1999/01/01 · crossref published-print 1999/01/01 · openalex publication_date 1999/01/01 · crossref created 2002/07/27 · crossref deposited 2021/03/12 · openalex created_date 2025/10/10 · openalex updated_date 2026/07/29 · crossref indexed 2026/07/29
Since the earliest days of generative grammar, control has been distinguished from raising: the latter the product of movement operations, the former the result of construal processes relating a PRO to an antecedent. This article argues that obligatory control structures are also formed by movement. Minimalism makes this approach viable by removing D-Structure as a grammatical level. Implementing the suggestion, however, requires eliminating the last vestiges of D-Structure still extant in Chomsky's (1995) version of the Minimalist Program. In particular, it requires dispensing with the θ-Criterion and adopting the view that θ-roles are featurelike in being able to license movement.